Language Learning &
Technology
Vol. 2, No. 2, January 1999, pp. 31-42
TEACHING TEXT AND CONTEXT THROUGH MULTIMEDIA1
Claire Kramsch
University of California, Berkeley
Roger
W. Andersen
University of California, Los Angeles
ABSTRACT
The use of multimedia technology to teach language in its authentic
cultural context represents a double challenge for language learners and
teachers. On the one hand, the computer gives learners access to authentic
video footage and other cultural materials that can help them get a sense
of the sociocultural context in which the language is used. On the other
hand, CD-ROM multimedia textualizes this context in ways that need to be
"read" and interpreted. Learners are thus faced with the double
task of (a) observing and choosing culturally relevant features of the
context and (b) putting linguistic features in relation to other features
to arrive at some understanding of language in use. This paper analyzes
the interaction of text and context in a multimedia Quechua language program,
and makes suggestions for teaching foreign languages through multimedia
technology.
Today's teachers are frequently urged to make use of computer technology
to teach foreign languages. In its recent Standards for Foreign Language
Learning (American Council on the Teaching of Foreign Languages, 1996),
for example, ACTFL suggests:
Access to a variety of technologies ranging from computer-assisted instruction
to interactive video, CD-ROM, the Internet, electronic mail, and the World
Wide Web, will help students strengthen their linguistic skills. . .and
learn about contemporary culture and everyday life in the target country.
(p. 31)
Teachers are particularly encouraged to use multimedia materials based
on original videos filmed in culturally authentic contexts (e.g., for French,
see Furstenberg, in press, and Noblitt, 1995a, 1997; for Spanish, see Noblitt,
Rosser, & Martinez-Lage, 1997; for German, see Crocker & Fendt,
in press; for Quechua, see Andersen & Daza, 1994; for Russian, see
Paperno & Tsimberov, 1997). In general, the computer seems to offer
immediate access to the way native speakers use their language in real
everyday situations. As many researchers have shown (e.g., Crook, 1996;
Herring, 1996; Kenning & Kenning, 1990; Murray, 1995; Noblitt, 1995b;
Warschauer & Kern, in press), it offers the possibility of developing
the sociocultural competence of language learners more readily than the
pages of a textbook or the four walls of a classroom. In effect, computers
seem to realize the dream of every language teacher--to bring the language
and culture as close and as authentically as possible to students in the
classroom.
But what do we mean by this "language and culture" in digital
form? Through multimedia in particular, language is no longer just a list
of grammatical paradigms or lexical items. Rather, it is intimately associated
with all kinds of verbal and paraverbal behaviors, an acoustic and visual
context that is indissociable from the larger societal context in which
the words are uttered. Language, in a sense, has become culture. Similarly,
culture is no longer just the factual pieces of information that textbooks
present in the form of culture capsules on foreign mores, but is produced
and reproduced under our very eyes, on the screen, through what people
say and how they say it. In multimedia, culture is inscribed in language
use. How can we teach this combination of language-in-culture and culture-in-language?
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AN ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTIC PERSPECTIVE
Most producers of video-based multimedia materials view language as
textbook writers do, that is, from a formal linguistic perspective. Language
is presented as a set of linguistic structures (vocabulary, grammatical
forms, or discourse gambits), selected, to be sure, from within the flow
of authentic speech seen and heard on the television screen, but now accessible
at the click of a mouse in framed windows with their synonyms or English
equivalents, and offered to the students to learn and reproduce in active
language use. Language is taught as words and sentences, not as discourse
and interaction in context (Duranti & Goodwin, 1992; Kramsch, 1981,
1993; Schiffrin, 1994). On the other hand, culture is presented by multimedia
through attractive links to visuals, film segments, and other documents
that also appear in windows, whose relevance to other windows has been
pre-determined by the computer programmer. Language in these windows serves
to explain culture. It is seen as a transparent conduit for the transmission
of cultural information. Again, language is presented here as an unproblematic
culture-free conduit (Reddy, 1979); it is not seen as being itself the
carrier of values, beliefs, and various worldviews (Kramsch, 1998).
From a discourse or anthropological perspective, linguistic structures,
as they are used in communicative situations, are embedded in the whole
social and historical context of culture (e.g., see Gumperz, 1982; Malinowski,
1923; Sapir, 1949); they are but one system of signs among many that people
use to give meaning to their environment. Other signs include not only
gestures, facial expressions, body movements, verbal and non-verbal sounds,
and proxemics, but also cultural artifacts such as traffic noise and folk
music, pictures and billboards, and landscapes and city maps. Linguistic
signs acquire their meaning because they point to other signs in the environment.
When learners go abroad and interact with the members of the host culture,
all these signs are there, live, to be recognized and decoded (Hanks, 1996).
In a video or multimedia program, however, they are inevitably filtered
through the film-maker, the camera, and its lens, in other words, through
the semiotic system of the video itself. Interpreting that semiotic system
means understanding as much as possible why certain events might have been
selected, others ignored, why certain people were focussed on, others left
in the background, and so forth. What students need to understand, then,
when learning the linguistic system through "authentic" video,
is the way language interacts with other sign systems, including those
of the medium that represents them (Kress & van Leuwwen, 1996).
Using multimedia transforms our task from teaching language as a formal
system to teaching language as what Hanks (1996) calls "communicative
practice," that is, a social activity that reflects and reproduces
a speech community's stock of values and beliefs. However, language teachers
are used to teaching the linguistic system the way linguists have described
it (i.e., independently of its communicative practice). Their formal grammars
talk about verbs, nouns, adjectives, and prepositions. They do not talk
about the language as cultural semiotic. By contrast, work done in anthropological
linguistics (Duranti, 1997; Foley, 1997), discourse analysis (Brown &
Yule, 1983; Cook, 1989; Coulthard, 1977; Kramsch, 1998; Stubbs, 1983; van
Dijk, 1985), pragmatics (Levinson, 1983; Mey, 1993), and the ethnography
of communication (Goffman, 1959; Hymes, 1972) can help teach the forms
of language together with the meanings attached to it by speakers and listeners
in social settings (for foreign language study, see Kramsch, 1993).
COMMUNICATIVE PRACTICE AS CONTEXT
In Language and Communicative Practices (1996), William Hanks
shows us what this might mean in his brilliant analysis of a short exchange
that took place one evening in a Maya household in Oxkutzcab, Yucatan,
where Hanks was conducting anthropological fieldwork. A young man named
Yuum had come to visit the senior man of the household, Don Chabo. Standing
outside the house, Yuum asked through the open window:
Yuum: kul á?an wá dón chàabo?
Yuum: Is Don Chabo seated?
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Margot, the wife of Don Chabo's eldest son and thus the senior resident
woman in the household, answered:
| Margot:u |
shén tol o?, taán uy uk' ul. sheén to ich nah o? |
| |
Go over there. He's drinking. Go over there inside. (Hanks, 1996,
p. 157) |
Hanks was puzzled by this exchange. Why did Yuum ask if Don Chabo was
seated? Why did it matter? Why did Margot answer that he was drinking when
in fact he was "gazing off into space with a roll in his hand"
(p. 157)? Why did she choose the adverb tol o?, which means "over
there" (outside the space that includes me), rather than way e?,
which means "here" (the space that includes me now), since Don
Chabo was having dinner with her at that very moment, thus occupying the
same space as she? Understanding these few lines of dialogue, Hanks argues,
means accessing the "cultural horizon" against which this exchange
took place. This horizon has elements of past verbal interactions, shared
knowledge of domestic architecture, the overall organization of the household,
and a commensurate knowledge of the Maya language. "Context,"
writes Hanks, "may be organized out of the vivid present of utterances,
but it is equally preformed by histories and social facts that linger in
the blank spots and silences of speech" (p. 166).
If, according to the ACTFL Standards, "the key to successful
communication is knowing how, when, and why to say what to whom" in
real-life situations (1996, p. 12), then students, like Hanks the anthropologist,
have to first observe and understand how communication occurs among native
speakers against these speakers' cultural horizons.
FROM CONTEXT TO TEXT
It is one thing to experience the Maya language in its living
context, as Hanks did, but it is quite another to describe it to
fellow anthropologists or to teach it to students in academic settings.
Hanks himself transformed his lived experience into readable text (e.g.,
the book Language and Communicative Practices), so that we could
benefit from the insights he gained through his textual scientific study
of oral situated language use.
The problem with learning a language from live context is that context
itself cannot be learned, it can only be experienced, or apprenticed in.
Therefore in order for context to be made learnable, especially in an academic
setting, it has to be transformed into analyzable text. As an educational
tool, multimedia technology opens up immense possibilities of contextualization
by textualizing knowledge through its representational capabilities, that
is, its endless reproducibility (see Benjamin, 1968). What the printing
press did to the evanescent spoken word, multimedia technology does to
words and images:
- Digitalization insures against the aging and decay of the presented
event.
- Random access breaks the linearly experienced flow of time. It can
rearrange the order of events, fast forward, or fast rewind them; it can
juxtapose/superimpose gestures, words, and actions that were experienced
separately.
- Digital technology can slow down or speed up the spoken word without
altering pitch and tone.
- Multimedia can select events perceived to be similar or analogous,
draw them out of their original texts, and reconfigure them within a different
frame. It can repeat a segment of speech or a gesture over and over again
up to absurdity; it can isolate fragments of speech or behavior to a level
of presentation that was certainly not perceived that way by those who
lived the experience.
This unlimited mechanical reproduction of live data contrives to transform
lived context into analyzable text. Anthropologist James Clifford sees
this process as indispensable for both interpreting lived experience and
for learning from it. He writes:
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Textualization is understood as a prerequisite to interpretation. .
. . It is the process through which unwritten behavior, speech, beliefs,
oral tradition, and ritual come to be marked as a corpus, a potentially
meaningful ensemble separated out from an immediate discursive or performative
situation. In the moment of textualization this meaningful corpus assumes
a more or less stable relation to a context; and we are familiar with the
end result of this process in much of what counts as ethnographic thick
description. . . . A world cannot be apprehended directly; it is always
inferred on the basis of its parts, and the parts must be conceptually
and perceptually cut out of the flux of experience. (Clifford, 1988, p.
38)
Applied linguist Richard Kern expresses the same sentiment when he writes:
"Audiotape and videotape recorders have made it possible for speech
and events to be 'objectified' and 'textualized' just as much as paper
texts" (Kern, in press). Kern provides as an example the video footage
of Rodney King being beaten by Los Angeles policemen in 1991. It is through
repeated viewings of this tape during the Rodney King trial that the event
became a "text" viewed by millions of people throughout the world.
This ostensibly "objective" videotext could then be interpreted
and reinterpreted by the defense and prosecuting attorneys as evidence
of either the innocence or guilt of the policemen involved in the incident.
In the case of educational multimedia, the acquisition of textual literacy
includes both verbal and visual literacies. To fully appreciate this process,
we must first understand what textualization consists of.
TEXTUALIZATION: THE KEY TO UNDERSTANDING
Textualization in multimedia language software is nicely characterized
by Ucuchi: Quechua Live and in Color! (Andersen, 1987, 1996; Andersen
& Daza, 1994), a CD-ROM produced by Roger Andersen and Jaime Daza for
the teaching of Quechua in the United States. It is based on a two-hour
ethnographic film, taped in Bolivia in 1989 and digitized by Roger Andersen
and Jaime Daza. We focus on Scene 4 because it nicely illustrates the challenge
we are discussing here. This eight-minute scene presents an authentic hearing
that took place in September 1989 in the village of Ucuchi, Bolivia. A
woman from the village, a money lender named Doña Petra, is charged
by the village magistrates with not paying her quota of village dues. She
defends herself vehemently, claims her innocence and, in turn, accuses
the magistrates of corruption. Highly disliked by the villagers, however,
she eventually loses the case and is forced to pay and go to jail.
In this scene, the technology gives us the possibility, through the
computer's unlimited database, to access a host of original sources beside
the video itself: spoken and written glosses and commentaries, transcriptions,
translations, written ethnographies, and official documents, including
interviews with the participants after the fact, not to mention the filmmaker,
expert anthropologists and ethnographers--all part of an immediately accessible
relational database that both presents and represents Bolivian Andean culture.
All of these sources must be brought to bear on that sunny Sunday afternoon
in Ucuchi if we want to understand what occurs there.
Textualization is characterized by five fundamental features, which
we can readily observe in Scene 4 of the Quechua tape:
However, the explanatory pattern that ultimately emerges from this interview
is different from the American pattern of non-compliance to societal rules,
greed, or even lack of private philanthropy.
JD: Everybody's paying, we all agree to pay, like for example they have
to fix the church, the church is made of adobe, and with the rain all this,
you know, so they have to keep it up. So she is supposed to give a quota
to keep, for the upkeep of the church. She never did that. She was supposed
to contribute money for the electricity, to bring the electricity, the
lines of the cables and all this. She never did that. She did not put out
the money either, because she says that she's poor, that she doesn't have
a husband, that she lives by herself [and that she doesn't need electricity].
. . .
Daza's discourse clearly pits the we and the they of the
community against the she of the unattached or "unaffiliated"
defendant; he positions himself alternately as the voice of the community
("we") and as the voice of the ethnographic outsider ("they").
- 36 -
JD: She was saying that she wasn't getting any benefits from being a
member of the community. . . . She may not be part of it, I mean, she's
kind of a loner type of lady, and that's because she's not well-liked by
the community.
In other words, says Daza, Doña Petra is a loner because she
is not well-liked, and she is not well-liked because she is a loner. Doña
Petra, of course, gives her own reasons for this: the corruption of the
village magistrates:
| Mama Petra:u |
Chaypi, nata Alcaldetawan Alcaldewan, Corregidorwan oqoykunku. |
| |
There, uh, um, the Mayor, the Mayor and the Corregidor swallowed up
the money. |
This is echoed by Daza's acknowledgment of the inefficiency of the city's
officials and the impotence of the central government in La Paz. In our
interview with him, Daza remarked:
JD: If you wait for the government [to do things], in Latin America,
it will never happen. We'll wait until we die, you know. It's not like
in the United States, where your taxes are at work, you know?
All these are reasons that incriminate the justice system itself and,
by the same token, the very magistrates who are passing judgment on Doña
Petra. At this point, it is appropriate to bring in other perspectives,
such as that of anthropologist Billie Jean Isbell:
[In Andean culture], membership in the many communities demands active
participation in the civil-religious hierarchy, whereby a member expends
wealth and achieves status through service to the community. . . . Exchange
and reciprocity are common, and the accumulation of wealth is not tolerated.
Wealth is expended in civil and religious displays of generosity. (Isbell,
1978, pp. 31-32)
If indeed Andean culture has an ambivalent attitude toward money and
if wealth in this community is tolerated only if associated with displays
of generosity, then we have a much more complex picture than would appear
initially. As Pierre Bourdieu would say: "Reality is relational"
(Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992, p. 203). To have a generous gift, you need
a society where generosity is rewarded and not taken advantage of, such
as through the corruption of elected officials. In the end, Jaime Daza
gives a much more differentiated view of Doña Petra than the one
he gave at the beginning, as can be seen in the following extract:
CK: Where did she start having money to lend?
JD: Probably she is very wise with her money, she saves, probably her
needs are not as great as other families, where they have children. She's
all by herself. She can grow her own food, sell whatever she produces,
save that money, invest that money in dollars. . . .
What this last extract suggests is that what is being put on trial here
is not the simple offence of not paying your dues. What is at stake is
the very survival of a cultural tradition of reciprocity that keeps the
community alive.
We can now return to our initial dialogue and understand better what
is going on. Teaching students of Quechua to "read" multimedia
entails linking the words heard to the events seen on the screen and to
the background knowledge provided by the various links in the program.
In light of what we have learned from the interviews with Jaime Daza and
from anthropological accounts of Andean culture, we can start piecing together
the following interpretation of the scene.
- 37 -
The spatial confrontation of Rosalio's position expressed by his words
kay laduman (on this side) and Doña Petra's position expressed
by her echoing Rosalio's words kay laduman (on this side),
but giving them a different meaning, is emblematic of the ideological confrontation
of the two protagonists in this village hearing, where each tries to anchor
the debate deictically within his and her own legitimate perspective. Doña
Petra, the village usurer, keeps to herself both in the way she leads her
life and symbolically now as she insists on standing "on the side."
The linguistic features of the dialogue match her position in space on
the screen. Both are a metonymy for the insider/outsider's place she occupies
in the Ucuchi community. Doña Petra's "crime" appears
to consist not in having disobeyed the law (which she claims is abused
by corrupt administrators like Rosalio), but in not honoring the very foundation
of this community's culture, namely private and public exchange and reciprocity,
owing and being owed to, or in anthropological terms, playing the game
of "prestation" (dues) and "counterprestation" (dues
in return). The act of not paying one's dues takes on in this context a
much weightier cultural value than just doing "what is legally expected
or morally right." It is a sign of distrust and lack of solidarity
toward the community.
The interpretation we have suggested here brings together the text and
context of this scene. Each additional text changes the general configuration
of the context. For example, another conversation with Jaime Daza would
have informed us that he had been for one year a guest in the Camacho family,
in which two of the magistrates at the trial, Crispin the Mayor and Leonardo
the Corregidor, are father and son. We would have then perhaps understood
that Doña Petra's behavior not only went against the unspoken rules
of solidarity in this village, but was also perceived as a personal affront
to the Camacho family's authority in the village. But that interpretation
itself is only one piece of a complex puzzle that has to be deciphered
in the posture, words, tone, attitudes, and silences of the participants
in this scene.
IMPLICATIONS FOR TEACHING LANGUAGE AND CULTURE
In trying to understand the lived context of culture presented by multimedia,
the analysis we have just offered has attempted to interpret the textual
representation of that context on the screen. Following current
communicative methodologies that put the emphasis on authenticity of language
use and the need to understand native speakers in their cultural context
(e.g., Kramsch, 1993), teachers might want to use authentic video as an
extremely rich semiotic "text" to be deciphered and interpreted
with all the critical resources of discourse analysis and cultural ethnography.
Teaching the language is not only teaching what people say and how they
say it correctly and appropriately, but why people say this rather than
that to whom, and for which purpose, and how they express irony, anger,
or scorn (e.g., see Doña Petra's Urmaymanpis [I may fall
down] which may express all three feelings).
Of course, developing the students' sociocultural competence in that
manner requires that the teacher know something about the culture of the
community and about Andean culture in general. If we want students to understand
the text, they must have a sense of the context. For example, learners
may notice that Doña Petra is the only woman at this hearing--all
the magistrates are men. Are gender roles being enacted at this court hearing
as well? Is it unusual for a woman to be a money-lender in Andean culture?
What is the role of women in this community? To understand this particular
hearing, learners of Quechua would have to know something about the penal
system in Bolivia, the tradition of town meetings and the organization
of local, regional, and central governments. Each of these aspects of Bolivian
culture can be assigned for research in the library; the students can report
on them in class as a culture component of the course. They can do this
in English at the beginning and intermediate levels, in Quechua at the
more advanced levels. Teachers themselves can use any source of ethnographic
information at their disposal (e.g., from interviews with native informants,
conversations with friends and acquaintances, books and articles) to shed
light on the larger context of the interactions going on in this film.
- 38 -
The teacher might also wish to make the students notice the participants'
skills in managing the conversation (e.g., Doña Petra's attempts
at interruption, or Crispin's use of strategies of indirectness when indicting
the defendant), and the students can identify the linguistic ways in which
these acts are accomplished. Ultimately the meaning of these strategies
will go beyond the here-and-now of the interaction and reflect the broader
attitudes, values, and beliefs of an Andean community and culture.
CONCLUSION
What multimedia thrusts upon us as never before is the necessity to
keep text and context in constant tension with one another. The computer
with its unlimited capacity, rather than challenging our analytic and interpretive
responsibilities, seduces us into believing that the truth is just around
the corner of the next "text" that will fill the ultimate gap
in our understanding. But this universe of spoken, visual, written, and
printed texts is not self-explanatory. As a medium, it can only substitute
itself for the living context and foster the illusion that con-text is
nothing but an assembly of texts that get illuminated in unmediated fashion
by juxtaposing them with other texts. Contrary to folk wisdom, understanding
has not been made more immediate through the advent of multimedia technology.
Rather, it has become more mediated than ever, with a mediation that ever
more diffuses and conceals its authority.
The role of education, and foreign language education in particular,
is precisely to make this mediation process visible. The way to make sense
of the unique textual and contextual environment offered by multimedia
is to be aware of the gap between context and text, that is, between the
material base of lived Quechua and the textual base of represented Quechua,
between the meanings attributed to the scene by the participants and the
meaning pieced together by the analyst/teacher/learner. Learning and understanding
take place precisely in that gap and in the tension between the two. Basil
Bernstein, the British sociologist of education, describes this space as
follows:
If meanings are consumed by the context and wholly embedded in the context,
there is no space. But if these meanings have an indirect relation to a
specific material base, because they are indirect, there must be a gap.
Intrinsic to these meanings is the potential of a gap, (a space) which
I will term a potential discursive gap. It is not a dislocation
of meaning, it is a gap. (Bernstein, 1996, p. 44)
In multimedia this discursive gap is created by the powerful way the
computer has of both imitating and representing life. Multimedia both reenacts
the original, lived context in which language was used and transforms it
into readable "discourse" or text. It is the gap between these
two processes that constitutes the pedagogic challenge par excellence.
All language teachers know that teaching the language entails also knowing
something about the culture. But the power and the complexity of multimedia
technology increases the need to contextualize the texts and textualize
the contexts presented on the screen. Language teachers are not expected
to be anthropologists, ethnographers, sociologists, and historians. But
inasmuch as the language they teach conveys meanings that are unique to
a given social and cultural community, it is part of their profession to
deepen their understanding of the relationship between text and context
when teaching language as communicative practice, and to develop what Charles
Goodwin calls a "professional vision" (Goodwin, 1994).
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The research for this paper was supported by a Multicampus Research
Incentive Fund from the University of California for the project "Multimedia
Resources for the Study of Language Interwoven with Sociocultural Practices,"
conducted in 1996-97 by a team consisting of Roger Andersen, Jack DuBois,
Charles Goodwin, and Claire Kramsch. We are grateful to Jaime Daza for
graciously agreeing to be interviewed. We are also indebted to Olivier
Kramsch for his help in researching the social and cultural aspects of
this video.
NOTE
1 Another version of this paper was presented at
a colloquium on "Technological Tools for the Study of Language in
Context," organized by Roger Andersen at the Annual Conference of
the American Association of Applied Linguistics, March 11, 1997, in Orlando,
Florida. It was presented also at the conference "Transformations:
Technology, Foreign Languages, and Undergraduate Education" organized
by Peter Patrikis at M.I.T. on October 25, 1998.
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Claire Kramsch is Professor of German and Foreign Language Education
at the University of California, Berkeley and Director of the Berkeley
Language Center.
E-mail: ckramsch@socrates.berkeley.edu
Roger W.
Andersen is Professor of Applied Linguistics in the Department of Applied
Linguistics and TESL at the University of California, Los Angeles.
E-mail: rogerand@humnet.ucla.edu
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